Honolulu, Hawaii
August 10, 1969
President Nixon sat among top men of the U.S. Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, including leading figures of the Congress of Micronesia and High Commissioner Edward E. Johnston. The President was in Guam on his recent round-the-world trip and newsmen were allowed into this meeting briefly to take pictures.
“They tell me,” the President said by way of animated conversation as shutters clicked, “that I could talk to the Apollo crew on the moon easier than you can talk from Saipan to Guam on the telephone — and that’s the problem of Micronesia.”’
It was an apt point for the time. Past U.S. neglect and shortcomings in this central Pacific area we administer through our Interior Department under United Nations mandate have been well documented. Part of this has involved poor communications, including even from Trust Territory headquarters on Saipan to the nearby separate U.S. territory of Guam, the major communication and economic center in this part of the Pacific.
Also noted in the last couple of year& have been major U.S. budget increases and other efforts to do better by the 97,000 people of the Trust Territory. Adequate inter-island phone service is on the way, although the list of other more important unmet needs remains staggering.
Most important of all, however, are-not questions of public works projects but those of Micronesia’s future political status. While the subject did not come up for any deep discussion at the July 26 Guam meeting, there is little doubt all sides there would agree that Micronesia’s future political status is the most pressing problem before U.S. and island leaders now.
For this year — especially this summer — marks a time when polities in Micronesia has outrun both talk of the old neglect and the impact of steps taken for economic and administrative improvements. For differing reasons, both sides have contributed to this situation.
This political atmosphere was prominent as I arrived on Saipan a few days before the July 14 opening of the annual 45-day session of the Congress of Micronesia.
Saipan, headquarters for the whole territory and capital of its Marianas district, is much different from the other islands and more developed. Its people are Chamorro, the same as those of Guam, with strong traces of Filipino, Spanish, American, and even Japanese strains. Saipan’s atmosphere, a carryover from its long Hispanic heritage, often seems more Filipino or Mexican than South Seas, a factor other Micronesians sometimes note. The large island’s rolling lowlands and limestone hills are choked with a slim, unattractive tree locally known as tangan tangan and called haole koa in Hawaii. Bright orange flame trees add touches of beauty, as do sweeping views from dark green mountains down past changing blues of lagoon and reef.
The roads are shockingly good, a paved heritage from the era of postwar U.S. Navy control, which in the Marianas lasted until 1962. Plenty of ugly shacks survive, but there is a surprising amount of new private and public building, thanks in good part to Federal funds made available for rehabilitation after a disastrous typhoon early last year. The beachside Royal Taga Hotel, owned by Guam entrepreneur Ken Jones, is an oasis and mecca for political talk, featuring a, combination unheard of elsewhere in the territory — 50 air-conditioned rooms, a swimming pool, coffee shop, store, lounge and restaurant, and responsive service.
The first Micro Olympics were winding up when I arrived. Teams of athletes from all six districts were taking part in events that included much of the standard Olympic range plus baseball, native sailing canoe races, and a localized decathlon called the Micronesian All Around; this called for underwater swimming, coconut tree climbing, husking coconuts, and throwing spears. Prizes included baseballs signed by President Nixon and Interior Secretary Walter Hickel and $20 gold piece medals donated by a friendly Texas millionaire named Fred Fox.
The Micro Olympics were a success. Those involved said they not only promoted fellowship and a Micronesian feeling among athletes from the six far-flung island districts, they also brought a level of now involvement from Americans up on “Capitol Hill,” Micronesian officials, the Peace Corps, and even the U.S. military which provided some of the air transportation from outer districts.
Young Micronesians watch Olympics
The Political Game
Yet it was obvious the big game coming up was political status, specifically what the Congress of Micronesia would or would not do.
Here there are two main background points:
- The Congress’ future political status commissions formed two years before had in a preliminary “statement of intent” in mid April announced its basic recommendation. It stated Micronesia should become an internally self governing state in “free association” with the U.S., perhaps somewhat skin to Puerto Rico status with its implied option for future change. The commission said U.S. military bases could be negotiated in return for payment for use of the land.
- The U.S. has become increasingly eager to settle the future political status of its Pacific charge — presumably more along lines of making Micronesia a regular territory than granting the “free associated state” status called for by the Micronesian commission. Here it’s realized the U.N. mandate status must ultimately end, and the U.S. would not again want another nation paramount in this vital areas as Japan was before World War II. Even more pressing, however, seems to be U.S. military moves to have fallback bases when we leave Vietnam and when nuclear weapons must be removed from Okinawa bases.
The view from Capitol Hill
Capitol Hill, far in the cooler uplands behind Saipan’s harbor, is an impressive area of typhoon-proof cement buildings and neat bungalows set far apart amid the rolling green lawns and winding palm-lined streets of a stylish suburb, Both its style and its segregation reflect the fact it was built and served until 1962 as headquarters for a C.I.A. operation training Asian guerrilla fighters. More than three fourths of the families living in this comfortable, isolated area are still Americans, and some suggest it would be better to move the government to some area closer to the people and turn Capitol Hill into a money-making resort or college. But such issues have also been overcome by political events.
The four-year-old Congress of Micronesia meets in a high corner of this Capitol Hill complex. Its three modest structures are white and neat, but also crowded and with a war surplus look about them. That, too, will change later.
The bi-cameral Congress operates on rules adapted from those of the Hawaii State Legislature, and the opening formalities, complete with ritualized recesses, take one back to Honolulu. There was even a delegation from the Hawaii State Legislature on hand as the Micronesian Congressmen, two-thirds of them products of Hawaii schools, began what may be their most important session.
There were other visitors on hand more deeply tied to current events. These included a special assistant to the Interior Secretary, Edgar Kaiser, Jr., there in connection with President Nixon’s tour; a study group out from Washington to help boost Micronesia’s economic development; a Navy officer representing military interest I and the Speaker of the Guam Legislature, indicating that Territory s interest.
Bethwel Henry, the young, soft-spoken Speaker of the 21-member House of Representatives, opened the session in his chamber on a modest, hopeful note:
“I am extremely optimistic that with the cooperation, consultations, and mutual support from the Administration, the United States Congress, we will resolve the critical issues…”
But Amata Kabua, the flawlessly polite but tough-minded president of the 12-member Senate, had some stronger words to say across the hall:
“This is the summer of decision. The months since we last convened have witnessed the most intense political activity in the history of Micronesia….
“The United States, for better or for worse (and probably for both), is clarifying and defining its presence in Micronesia. It is time for us to define our own purpose, to determine our goals both in relationship to the administration we see in Micronesia today and the administration we hope to see in Micronesia tomorrow…
“We must answer the ultimate questions now. It is for this session of Congress to evaluate the status commission’s report and determine a course of action based upon that evaluation. It is for this Congress to delegate members to conduct preliminary sessions in Washington on the matter of status and to furnish these delegates with policies and guidelines to carry into negotiations.”
House Speaker Bethwel Henry
Senate President Amata Kabua
Next day High Commissioner Johnston came up to the Congress to deliver his first State of the Territory address. He climaxed it by noting Micronesian requests for the U.S. to state a position on future political status and went on:
“Let me make it abundantly clear to this honorable body today (end I am sure I speak for President Nixon, Secretary Hickel, and many others throughout America) — the United States is proud to be associated with Micronesia and we definitely desire to enter with you into a lasting and permanent partnership. We are prepared and anxious, from this moment forth, to discuss with this Congress, as the elected representatives of the Micronesian people, the exact nature which this partnership should take.”
Despite the seeming fuzziness of the phrase like “a lasting and permanent partnership,” there were those who stressed its significance. A scholar on Micronesian political developments called Johnston’s speech, “historic…the first time the U.S. has ever said officially what it wants in the Trust Territory. And it’s not the same thing the status commission is saying about a free associated state.” The chairman of the status commission, Senator Lazarus Salii, said, “lasting and permanent partnership seems to mean territorial status.”
But a source close to the administration said, “The speech did not close any door. It does not preclude some kind of commonwealth… After all, Puerto Rico seems to have a pretty permanent and lasting relationship with the U.S.”
All seemed to agree that the U.S. had laid out the first (but not all) of its cards for bargaining sessions to take place in Washington later this year.
There were other events related to the Status matter early in the session:
Under heavy administration prodding, the Congress passed a resolution that provided a “reason” for seeing President Nixon. It asked him and the U.S. Congress to seriously consider Micronesia’s future status.
The status commission formally presented its 50-page report, an important and relatively moderate document. It recommends the Micronesian Congress adopt “the principles of self government and free association with the United States,” and it asks that the U.S. Congress pass an enabling act authorizing the Micronesians to write their own constitution.
Senator Salii introduced a resolution to accept his status commission’s report. But a week later, after the Micronesian leaders met with President Nixon, five House members introduced a resolution to reject the status commission recommendations. It expressed a wish for independence for Micronesia by July 12, 1976.
Congress leaders said any independence resolution would not go far. But some others close to the scene welcomed the move. They suggested it would help broaden the framework of discussion, perhaps getting some reluctant status-quo Congress members to take a stand and putting the status commission’s ideas in a moderate middle position.
Thus the Micronesian leaders readied for their own debate on how beat to negotiate with the U.S. on their future.
Part Two
The issues in Micronesia today are so diverse that only a book could cover them all. Probably the best job done to date in moderate length was the 16-page article in the January 1968, Foreign Affairs quarterly by managing editor Philip W. Quigg; it remains recommended reading.
But the issues in Micronesia are in flux, moving and interrelating in a time of change. What follows, then, is an attempt to outline some of the issues and suggest how they are relating in what Senate President Amata Kabua called “the summer of decision.”
Trust Territory Headquarters
Future Political Status
Most Micronesians are unaware or uncertain of what their political future might be; so are a number of local leaders. Still, Micronesia’s top leaders, especially those in the Congress and in various administrative positions, are increasingly aware and sophisticated. These islands do not lack for intelligent, articulate, and responsible spokesmen.
These Micronesian leaders and Washington do not seem too far apart. Both want or at least recognize the need for continuing political association.
“It is not a matter of whether the Trust Territory is going to be with the U.S.; it is a matter of how,” says one American official. Privately at least, even most Micronesians talking about independence agree that U.S. security requirements and island economic needs dictate close future ties.
What worries many Micronesian leaders, however, is that the U.S. will end up dictating both the “how” and “when” of the futures:
Washington has asked Micronesian leaders to come to the U.S. capital right after their current sessions ends, in September, to start work on drafting laws for a new political status. Many Micronesians fear that if they don’t show up prepared to reach early agreement, the Nixon Administration will move on its own to get a weak Organic Act through Congress. Such fears may be exaggerated, but observing Micronesia today they are understandable.
“I don’t want to be forced to make a basic decision on our future too early. Yet that’s what may be happening,” said a House leader early in the session.
“It’s good that Washington finally wants to move, but maybe they now went to move too fast to get us out from under the U.N.” said a Senate leader. “It’s apparent Washington has decided what it wants. I’m afraid that everything is part of a timetable already set.”
Beyond any question of being maneuvered, however, is the question of what kind of status Micronesians can expect from Washington. Again, the overall agreement on having a future political association is an important plus factor as a starting point. Americans may see the rest as an argument over details. But it makes considerable difference to Micronesians whether they end up with a large degree of self government and control over their land, whether they become like American Samoans with little power and ruled by a Washington-appointed governor, whether they have citizenship, pay income taxes and get drafted like Guamanians, or whether they have a reasonable amount to say about land for military bases and how much is paid for its use.
The Marianas
When Spain withdrew as a Pacific power after the Spanish-American war in 1898, the U.S. took possession of Guam, largest and southernmost of the Marianas. The northern islands in the 300-mile chain, including Saipan and Tinian, went with the rest of Micronesia to Germany, then to Japan in the spoils of World War I, and finally after World War II as part of the separate Trust Territory. If Micronesia with its far-flung islands, nine languages, and other differences is, an artificial creation, the division of the Marianas is one of its moot illogical aspects. The U.S. could have remedied the situation when it took over after World War II by combining Guam and the Trust Territory, as Australia combined the New Guinea Trust Territory with its portion of that island. But we did not, possibly for shortsighted security reasons.
Now the Marianas present a special problem at the time when the U.S. and the Trust Territory are moving toward a new political relationship. The hottest issue on Saipan, Tinian, Rota, and the rest of the northern chain is for “reintegration” with Guam. Two votes in the early 1960s showed over 60 per cent of the people in the Trust Territory Marianas favored joining with Guam, Another vote is scheduled for November, and while it could be closer it may well turn out the same way. If it is again for integration as they expect, local leaders say they will push the issue in Washington and at the U.N. in concert with the Guamanians.
Other Micronesians are often critical of the attitudes of the Chamorro, people in the northern Marianas district: “They look down on us; at best, we’re taken as country cousins,” said one Palauan. “They want American citizenship and the $1.60 an hour minimum wage, and joining with Guam is the fastest way to get it.”
A number of Saipanese also want to keep the area in the Trust Territory until some later date when the whole area joins with Guam. Among other things, they think Saipanese people have not been made adequately aware of the disadvantages of becoming a rural district of populous Guam after being capital of the Trust Territory.
The case for joining with Guam is put by Vicente Santos, president of the Marianas District Legislature: “We have a common identity — customs, religion, even the same families — with the people of Guam. Yet we have to get an entry permit to go there…. The wages are not that important; it is the desire to be with our people…. And I think the United States will honor our desire for American citizenship.”
The desire for U.S. bases is put in both patriotic (“we want to share the burden”) and practical economic (“it means benefits”’) terms. The result is something akin to a sophisticated version of the Cargo Cults, where certain Southwest Pacific natives live and plan in anticipation of the day when great ships and planes will arrive to disgorge vast quantities of goods, as they did in wartime days. On Saipan and Tinian one can almost get the feeling there are those scanning the horizon for the golden ships and planes of the U.S. military.
If the people of the Marianas really want bases and to join with Guam, why not let or even encourage them to go ahead — and especially since the bases the U.S. seems to want most are in the Marianas? In fact, some leading Micronesians say they are prepared to let the Marianas go and make a future with the five remaining districts of the Trust Territory.
Saipan’s Vicente Santos
But any plan that would divide the Trust Territory area seems bound to run into trouble at the United Nations where the end of the trusteeship must win approval; almost certainly the U.S. would be attacked for maneuvering for its own benefit.
Beyond that is the thought that if the Marianas leaves it would set a precedent for other areas to break away in later disputes. And if one Micronesia presents problems, there is no reason to think an area divided into several mini states would be easier.
Indications are that so far the U.S. has not encouraged Marianas integration with Guam. Right now officials are taking a quiet watchful attitude. Since almost everyone agrees Guam and the Trust Territory districts should cooperate, perhaps in some overall federation to evolve over the years, the hope is any Washington blueprint involves some imaginative thinking on the subject.
Military Bases
The great unknown of the Micronesia equation in mid 1969 was what bases the U.S. military wanted for Micronesia and when it wanted them.
Right now the military presence is confined largely to control over the anti-missile test facilities at Kwajalein and Eniwetok, several Coast Guard Loran radio navigation stations, and four 13-member Navy Seabee team-working on civic action programs in the Marshalls, Ponape, Truk, and Yap.
The Seabees are now there to work on local public construction jobs selected by community leaders, not as the advance party for bases. But it’s obvious their presence in Micronesia is part of a public relations move to give the military a more positive image in the area. The impact was dimmed considerably, however, when Micronesians (and surprised Capitol Hill U.S. officials) learned the Defense. Department planned to bill the Trust Territory a reported quarter-million dollars for Seabee efforts this year. (“If there’s a conspiracy for military bases, why do we have to pay for it?” lamented one official.)
Even more local speculation has centered around the series of official visitors and military survey teams that have passed through the area, the latest an Air Force engineering group doing a careful study of present runway facilities. The feeling is that if the military doesn’t really plan bases, it has stirred up far too much political concern with visits that have not been properly announced or explained to Micronesians.
More candor by the military on its hopes or intentions has been urged, and it remains a good idea. But it might be explained that, the most candid of the visitors also sparked the biggest reactions Marine Corps General Lewis Walt said frankly during an April visit that he was looking for possible training sites. He was welcomed in Saipan with a District Legislature resolution asking for bases. Far off to the west in Palau, the General also made what was called “’a frank pitch,” citing the possibilities for deep jungle training (but not necessarily permanent bases) on Babelthaup, the Trust Territory’s largest island which is almost the size of Guam but with only 3,000 people. One local chief expressed enthusiasm, and no leaders at the meeting voiced reservations.
It’s understandable, perhaps, that the General went back to Washington keen on the idea of a Palau training site. But the next thing that appeared was a resolution from the Palau District Legislature against bases. One other point: Palau may be the center of anti-military feeling, but local leaders there say the resolution after Walt’s visit was not a firm rejection, just a notice that they want to be consulted and that adequate compensation be paid.
What does the military plan? High Commissioner Johnston gives assurances that no land will be taken for bases without consultation. He begins discussions by saying, “I don’t speak for the military” and adds he knows of “no specific plans” for further activity aside from the Seabees. But other sources, perhaps equally well informed, say the military has gone far on its plans for Micronesia bases. Says one official: “There’s even a sort of competition among the services.”
A total impression is that, fortunately, military plans are firmest in the Marianas where land problems are least and local residents the most eager; World War II airfields on Tinian and Saipan are both empty and still in relatively good condition. Any plans for Palau should wait until later.
But again the question is not just what is done but how and when. Half the land in the area is held by the administration in trust for the Micronesian people; under the U.N. trusteeship agreement we could simply take what we want for bases. But the trusteeship will end and Micronesians deserve to have basic control over their land. A U.S. that has paid billions to rent bases in Spain must do much better than the inadequate compensation it has given for nuclear and missile-test sites in the Marshalls.
The frank fear of many in Micronesia now is that military pressure in Washington for new bases is setting the timetable on Micronesia political developments. “It seems to us that the military is running your country, or at least its policy toward Micronesia,” said a top Senate leader in Saipan.
Such judgments may be unfair, but for a people about to embark into a period of basic political change such concerns are understandable.
Congress of Micronesia
Congress & Politics
In four years and a half dozen sessions, the Congress of Micronesia has proved generally impressive both in the quality of its membership and in their deliberations. In fact, it is a backhand compliment when some charge the Congress is deceptive, a veneer of quality and general unity that covers the facts of strangeness and fears, differing attitudes among districts, and the narrow focus of most Micronesians’ concern.
This is natural enough in a developing area; the U.S. Declaration of Independence and Constitution were drawn up by men far ahead of many other Americans. Still that does not minimize the fact that in an area of Micronesia’s vast size and diversity there are serious problems of nation making. Here one thinks of Indonesia, which managed to find ‘unity in diversity,” as its national slogan says; but Indonesians had “help” in unifying: they joined to fight a war for independence against the Dutch.
While it may be that the elected Municipal Councils and District Legislatures are closer to most Micronesians, the territory’s Congress has been most influential and will continue to be.
Operating under narrow limitations and subject to the High Commissioner’s veto, the Congress has more than anything put Micronesia and hopes for its future on the political map. It has done this largely through intelligent discussion and its ability to speak for the people of Micronesia.
Now the administration is speeding up programs for greater participation in drafting the Trust Territory budget sent to the U.S. Congress. High Commissioner Johnston in July presented the Micronesian Congressmen with budget proposals for $66 million; along with a request they choose and cut it down to $50 million the current annual budget limitation set by the U.S. Congress. The Micronesian Congress also has done impressive committee work and reports on government reorganization and education, and, of course, political status.
With Micronesia’s political situation developing so fast, the state of partisan politics remains in some basic stages. There are no political parties — except for two in the Marianas that relate to the integration issue and Guam politics and another pair in Palau that seem to center on individuals. In the Congress, personalities predominate, although at times there are groupings based on the fact the eastern districts (Marshalls, Ponape, Truk) have about two thirds the territory’s population.
Some observers see three political generations now influencing Micronesia. The oldest, largely chiefs and other traditional leaders, operates at the local level, in and outside the various councils and legislatures. They have left the handling of various “national” issues such as future political status up to the better educated but respectful members of the second generation who now dominate the Congress of Micronesia; this second is a generation with youthful memories of the Japanese era and the trauma of wartime days.
The third generation is a sort of under-30 group some in but mostly still out of Congress. Really knowing only U.A. rule, its members are both more Americanized and often more critical of our performance. In an area where half the population is under 15, this third group may be moving up faster than some realize.
Followers of the Congress see changes in attitudes over the years. “What impresses me this time is their outspokenness,” said one. “The leaders and others are now openly critical of the administration at times, something they wouldn’t have been before.”
How the third generation will come along under this situation is uncertain. Only one Micronesian seems radical in the western sense — Francisco Uludong, a Palauan student at Hawaii’s East-West Center who was back in Saipan this summer to serve as sergeant-at-arms of the House of Representatives. But there are others of equally strong views and criticisms, although most feel that American radical tactics are not appropriate; confrontation is still not in the general Micronesian character.
Moreover, there are suggestions some of the potential new leaders will be more critical. A recent visitor and student of American black power and third world movements remarked: “I know it’s a different scene here. But you have to remember these kids here were brought up in the American era, and they’ve seen a lot of neglect, laziness, and misuse of equipment by Americans, not the best our country has to offer. And most of them are products of Hawaii and other American universities in the late 1960s, so they know what’s been going on with young people around the world.”
It’s possible such factors weigh in part of Washington’s hurried political timetable. It’s doubtful if the U.S. will ever have a more moderate and reasonable group of Micronesian leaders to negotiate with than it has now.
Government
There is feeling among a number of persons involved that the present administrative system of the Trust Territory needs adjustments or even major revisions.
“The present structure was designed for a status quo budget of $5 million where we just had enough money to pay administrative salaries and maintain the roads and buildings,” said one assistant district administrator. “Now we have a budget going up to $50 million and there is not enough in it stimulating development or for the needs of the municipalities.”
It’s notable that when former High Commissioner William Norwood left office early this year he cited two needs he had hoped to start filling. One was for loosening the highly centralized system where most decisions are referred to Saipan, and giving more authority to the distant districts. The second was a program for training more Micronesian administrators, an area where the U.S. has lagged badly.
“It’s obvious there should be more Micronesians higher in government,” said one Micronesian who is up in the administration. “It’s been slow for a number of reasons including security matters, the tenure of Americans in the jobs, and just general momentum. It’s also partly our fault. Some of our best men have chosen the legislative branch, and the Congress has both proved we are capable and given the people what they consider ‘their’ government. But if we are ever going to run things here we need to start invading the executive branch.”
There is also an American administrator’s view: “Every time we name a Micronesian to a top job people start throwing stones at him…. Some good men are sometimes reluctant to take jobs in what people see as the American government.”’
The idea of giving Micronesians an increased role in the administration is often presented as a step toward developing increased responsibility.
It is generally assumed there will be all or mostly all Micronesians as district administrators in the next few years. (There has been one already for a time in the Marshalls and another is serving in the Mariansas.) But some feel strongly that the “Distads,” as they are called, must be elected. “It’s no good naming a Micronesian Distad when he can pass the buck to some American in Saipan,” said one American with wide experience.
Eventually, the U.S. must come to the question of having a Micronesian head the area as High Commissioner, Governor, President, or whatever, At first, he may be named by Washington. But later he will be chosen by the Micronesians. Here the standard pattern would be popular election. However, the future status commission, with an eye to inter-district suspicions, recommends that chief executive power go to “an executive council representing all districts” which would choose a chairman to head the administration.
This may be unrealistic. But there is the general point made by an American: “Whatever we do we have to get out of the paternalism pattern that comes from running this place on such a centralized and American manner. Right now we get blamed for everything, even typhoons…. It’s a company town situation, like the Hawaii plantations in the old days where they ran everything…. Let the people elect their own rascals — and then throw them out.”
The now administration has a policy of bringing in more Micronesians to high position. That is admirable, but the broader test is whether it will have effective programs that promote the policy.
Economic Development
President Nixon in his Guam meeting with Micronesian leaders asked what they felt was their biggest problem. It surprised some to hear later that Senator Lazarus Salii, head of the future political status commission, answered: “Economic Development.” Yet if future status is now the most pressing matter, there is also no doubt that developing the economy in a key long-range necessity if Micronesia if going to have any sort of viability or control of its destiny.
Right now Micronesia’s economy is fueled mostly by the U.S. government payroll and spin-off from various public projects. There is more than $10 million gap between the cost of various imports and the $3 million gained from exports. Copra — the dried meat of the coconut which is used for vegetable oils, soap, cow feed, etc. — brings in most of that, some $2.5 million. But it is subsidized by artificially low shipping rates for the benefit of far-out islanders who have no other source of income. Scrap metal from World War II still provides $300,000 but is dwindling. Handicrafts bring in less but have potential. Below this are the two industries with the greatest promise — tourism and fishing.
One finds more wariness and apathy then enthusiasm for tourism in much of Micronesia. The range runs from hot-eyed desire on Saipan, where the Royal Tags already does well, to Yap where the district legislature passed a resolution against construction of a tourist hotel and local effort is geared to softening any impact on Yap’s culture. Suspicion is most strongly voiced about “mass tourism,” the volume tour operations which many Micronesian leaders have observed in Hawaii.
Nevertheless, there are both Micronesian advocates and a government policy favorable to tourism development. And, as with military bases, even outspoken critics feel tourists will inevitably come from both the U.S. and Japan. Many who are concerned about its cultural impact also concede tourism is a necessity for the economy.
Continental Airlines, under the agreement where its Air Micronesia operation serves the area, is committed to building first-class hotels in each of the six district centers; construction of 50-room facilities is to start later this year in Truk and Palau. That will mark what may fortunately be a slow immersion into the tourism industry outside Saipan. One of the good questions about the future is whether Micronesian reservations and an ability to keep control will stay ahead of the economic benefits and the lures they bring.
Otherwise, in the private sector there are no glowing economic horizons at this time. Everyone agrees Micronesia has some of the world’s richest fishing waters; Japanese, Okinawan, and Korean boats work the area. But despite efforts, nobody has gotten much beyond the one commercial fish catching and freezing operation in Palau. Similarly, Micronesians could grow a good deal of the food they import. Yet canned food as well as canned fish is seen much more than the fresh products in the centers.
The one “’industry” most talked about besides tourism is, of course, the U.S. military, what it will mean in money paid for land leased for bases and in wages and other spending. There is no doubt it could be significant; in fact, advocates of Micronesian independence cite military income as one way it would be economically possible.
Here the economic question, like so many others, comes back to the mixture of uncertainty over the political future and military plans. There may be a boom of sorts in Micronesia when the new and permanent rules are set about such things as outside investment and land ownership and a political direction is firm. Still it is not going to be Micronesia’s major industry for many years to come.
Land
The depth and history of the land question in Micronesia were summed up well by High Commissioner Johnston in his State of the Territory address in July when he said:
“In 1935 the Japanese Government Administrator, when his nation held the Trust Territory under a League of Nations mandate, made the following comment: ‘Among the administrative problems concerning officials of the mandate, none has proved more complex or more delicate than the control of land.’ Almost thirty-five years later a member of the High Commissioner’s staff stated that land ‘is the single most important item and by far the most sensitive issue that exists today in Micronesia.’
“This certainly does not indicate any great progress in solving Micronesia’s land problems. In fact, (Congress of Micronesia Representative Chutomu) Nimwes in his opening remarks to the United Nations Trusteeship Council last month pointed out that ‘not one Certificate of Title has been issued and not one lot officially registered.”’
The land problem in Micronesia comes in a bewildering number of dimensions. These include the questions of physical boundaries, who owns what, clan vs. individual ownership, plots taken for what’s considered inadequate compensation by the Germans, Japanese, or the United States, plots altered by war, leases for outside investors (only. Micronesians can own land), use rights for such purposes as picking coconuts, lost or destroyed records; land set aside as “retention areas” for military use (some 6,000 acres, mostly in the Marianas); and who the military might pay for leasing this or any other base areas it might want.
The U.S. has inherited problems from earlier colonial powers. Still the U.S. contribution to the confusion, both in apathy and action, is impressive:
“The real issue of land,” says one American who worked on the matter for several years, “has been our inability to redress grievances. We don’t seem able to solve problems; we have just made more.
Says another official who has been close to the problem: “One of the big inequities in government has been the way we put the onus on the people to prove they, not the government, own the land. It should be the other way. And because the people have had no lawyers to push their cases in a highly technical legal field the problem has been even greater.”
Now the new administration has set some ambitious goals. The U.S. Navy is conducting a detailed aerial survey to be used in setting boundaries. Johnston hopes to be “well on the way toward completion of land registration” by the end of next June. Others estimate it will take quite a bit longer, and that it will be years before land ceases to be Micronesia’s most complex problem.
In an area of small islands, few resources, and traditional culture, land has an emotional value that goes far beyond its economic worth. Micronesians talk of land as “our most precious possession.”
Yet there are contrasts: Micronesia has only 700 square miles of land. Over half is held by the government. Only some 13 per cent is said to be arable. But if land is limited, it is not scarce. Homestead plots go to weed at times while tenants give up farming for easier work. On each island, except perhaps in the most crowded district center towns, there is good private land lying fallow for a variety of reasons. What were once vast Japanese sugar plantations are now acres of rolling scrub. Less than 100 of Micronesia’s more than 2,100 islands are inhabited.
However, in the practical terms of emotional issues such facts are perhaps less important than human feelings. For in terms of what they have to offer the outside world — and what that world wants from them Micronesians are probably right about the value of their land.
The Peace Corps
It was probably a mistake for the Peace Corps to be sent in late 1966 to Micronesia, an area where the “host country” is the U.S., a colony in effect where our record has been less than adequate. Even though efforts were then underway to improve our record, it’s natural idealistic volunteers were critical, sometimes unreasonably so.
Moreover, the Peace Corps compounded its mistakes with elements of Washington empire building, sending out volunteers in a major buildup that repeated errors it should have learned from other programs. As one who used to evaluate programs on the Peace Corps staff, I found myself wondering how much of this program was, on balance, really worth it, especially since on a per capita basis there have been four or five more volunteers here than in any country in the world.
Now the program is down to about 400 volunteers and going lower. A veteran Peace Corps staffer suggests it might have been wiser to send volunteers from VISTA, the domestic peace corps, or to have put more stress on the Office of Economic Opportunity’s Community Action Agencies which with Federal funds and Micronesian participation have done some impressive work in community education and stimulation.
After all is said, however, it is still possible to conclude the Peace Corps has made a real contribution. One hears plenty of criticism, not just from American officials, which is understandable, but also from Micronesians. “Some of us were trying to make amends from the past, but they knocked the administration all the time,” says one U.S. official. “There was even one lawyer who suggested in a committee meeting that all middle-aged Americans be sent home.” A prominent chief was among several Micronesians who complained about Peace Corps- men “going native,” in fact looking far more unkempt than Micronesians. “We’ve got too many of our own people drinking in the district centers without yours, too,” he said,
Yet there are some very good things said about the Peace Corps. There are stories about volunteers, working amid great loneliness and hardship on isolated islands, teaching and stimulating the people to build their own schools and water catchment systems. “It’s incredible,” says an education official. “You couldn’t get any other kind of American to do that for a couple years at no pay.’” Nor are the contributions of many others working in more central locations, in health, agriculture, development, the mass media, cooperatives, or as business advisers, to be dismissed.
One Trust Territory official has charged the Peace Corps volunteers “pushed political developments here two years ahead of what it would have been.” The facts of such criticism may be debatable, but even if only partly so; the push has helped the Micronesians. There is no doubt that Peace Corps volunteers have goaded the administration and stimulated Micronesian political thinking at times.
But there has also been overreaction and criticism of the Peace Corps. “What the hell,” said one frustrated corps official. “We put a volunteer with a radio on a place like Ujelang in the Marshalls, 300 miles from anywhere else, the end of the line where they transferred the people from Eniwetok. He reports back rats are overrunning the place, there is no food and the people are up in arms because no ship has come for months. And some guy on Capitol Hill says, ‘We didn’t have those kinds of complaints before that Peace Corps volunteer went out there.’”
The Peace Corps debate might be fairly academic in Micronesia’s bigger picture if it wasn’t for what happened to the volunteer lawyers.
This is a small part of the program. There have been about. 20 lawyers in three years, of whom eight remain. Yet their impact has been significant in a territory where there is only one Micronesian attorney (who serves as counsel to the Congress). Recently graduated lawyers of the Peace Corps serve as attorneys for Micronesian district and municipal legislatures as well as the Congress. Even Micronesian critics of the corps generally have praise for the lawyers. Since the lawyers have at times seemed to stimulate as well as represent Micronesians with grievances, U.S. officials aren’t always as enthusiastic. Still they generally see benefit in the program. It also seems very much in the new Peace Corps goal of providing more specialized technical assistance.
There was surprise and consternation, therefore, when in early June word came out that a training program for more Peace Corps lawyers was cancelled. Reliable reports are that the order came right from the White House, and that originally it called for also terminating lawyers already in Micronesia, an action not taken after protests from Peace Corps officials.
Some of those involved say it’s obvious the White House acted after pressure from the Defense Department. Military officials are described by very reliable informants as being highly disturbed about the actions of Peace Corps lawyers on the bases and political status issues. The anti-bases resolution, which came out of the Palau District Legislature after General Walt’s celebrated visit, is blamed on a Peace Corps lawyer. One apparently did draft the measure (as one on orders did the pro-bases resolution in the Marianas). A lawyer also is reported to have had a run-in over bases in a bar with one of Walt’s staff. But it is far from sure a Peace Corpsman should be blamed for the Palauan attitudes. “You know,” said a young Palauan politician, “it’s kind of insulting to us to say a young Peace Corps lawyer is leading us astray.”
Whatever the facts and feelings, it seems clear the White House action on the lawyers case was in the Micronesian context a serious mistake with overtones that reflect in the status and bases issue. Peace Corps and Interior Department officials have apparently got the cancelled program for seven more lawyers rescheduled to begin training this fall, which is good because there have been many Micronesian resolutions and protests. But it will not fully erase the damage done in June.
The Press
Micronesia has a fledgling semi-free press stimulated and largely financed by U.S. government funds.
There is no territory-wide newspaper, and no daily paper in any district. The government runs a radio network with stations in the six districts. Breaking stories come on the teletype circuit of the Micronesian News Service, which sends a short file of territory news to the districts, The Congress of Micronesia sometimes sends out press releases with a different tone from government reports.
It is, then, pretty much of a government show, although the administration is sensitive to a need for straight reporting. High Commissioner Johnston told a press conference — where virtually all newsmen were on the government payroll — that they had a special responsibility because the major media is government owned and operated. “You have to bend over backwards to keep from taking it a propaganda agency for anybody,” he said, urging them to get all sides or any story.
Since no one has yet figured a way for an economically viable paper to serve a population of less then 100,000 scattered over three million square miles, hope for spirited private journalism seems to rest with the various mimeographed weekly papers in the districts. Most, but not all, started with government stimulation and subsidy; the OEO Community Action Agencies have played an important financial role.
Now some of the district newssheets have folded and others are struggling. The weekly Marianas Star, privately owned and printed, and with ads, is the most ambitious. One of the most interesting is the occasional underground monthly, “Micronesian Free Press,” featuring anti-administration blasts from its spirited editor, Jose Cruz, former Congress member now mayor of Tinian.
These local papers provide the beginnings of a forum for public discussion of local and territory-wide issues in both English and local languages. Some are attaining editorial influence and a following. Some are going to need both continued government help and understanding. And in this regard it seemed to some the American District Administrator on Truk hardly served the cause when he told the local weekly to stop printing serialized portions from “Aladdin and the Wonderful Lamp” on grounds people needed more facts than fairy tales. The paper printed a protest from one of its dissenting staffers.
Here again Peace Corps volunteers deserve credit. A dozen of them in a mass media program have been involved in several efforts. These include editing the Micronesian Reporter, a quarterly that has emerged: as one of the best government magazines in the Pacific. They were instrumental in work on starting the Micronesian news service and as advisors to the local weeklies. Some papers would not have begun without them.
This particular Peace Corps program was not renewed; so now some of the operations, which might not have started so soon without the volunteers, will start surviving without them. There are talented Micronesians coming along, but the job at best is difficult. Here as elsewhere some are seeing it is one thing to have freedom and another to have the meant to effectively support it.
A Conclusion
These are not all the issues in Micronesia today. Some, for example, are concerned about lingering war claims, on which the administration says it will move rapidly, and the deal for $10 million reparations to be paid by the U.S. and Japan; some charge this deal gives the Japanese a relatively cheap economic foot in the door on fishing and scrap metal. Health and education are praised as areas of America’s better accomplishments. Still despite continuing improvements officials acknowledge gaps, differing levels of service, needs and bitter challenges. “We’re not trying to make an American school system. We think we can make a better one that’s suited for Micronesians,” ways R. Burl Yarberry, the Commissioner for Education who once headed Hawaii’s system.
High Commissioner Edward Johnston addresses Congress of Micronesia
A lot of things are contributing to the Micronesia we have today. High Commissioner Johnston seems off to a solid start in an enormously difficult administrative job. Many are impressed that his greatest asset seems to be a new interest in Washington and desire to get going on Micronesia’s problems.
But again for now it may be the political developments have outrun the programs for economic and administrative improvements, It is only right, for example, that the U.S. Congress is being asked to let Micronesian goods enter the U.S. duty free. But it is also late. Micronesians and much of the rest of the world will judge the Nixon Administration more on how it behaves on the future political status of the Trust Territory.
We can play it hard on a narrow, national-security basis, squeezing the Micronesians into some lesser relationship and riding the matter through the United Nations. Or we can get much of what we went for security needs in a more generous and imaginative manner. The United States is the world’s greatest power. But Micronesia is in size the world’s largest colony, with Australia’s New Guinea one of only two trust territories left. How we treat this trust will show how much conscience is part of our self-interest.
Received in New York on September 2, 1969.
Mr. John Griffin is an Alicia Patterson Fund award winner on leave from the Honolulu Advertiser, Honolulu, Hawaii. This article may be published with credit Mr. Griffin, the Honolulu Advertiser, and the Alicia Patterson Fund.
